Mother’s Day, Pacifism and
the Resurrection
The Rev. Timothy B. Safford
May 9, 2010
My
guess is that if Julia Ward Howe is remembered at all, it is for writing the
words for the “Battle Hymn of the Republic.” Less known about her is the role she played in the origins
of Mother’s Day, which, even though the liturgical calendar reminds us that
today is the Sixth Sunday of Easter, plays a prominent cultural role this
second Sunday of May.
An
early abolitionist, Julia Ward Howe became a committed pacifist after the Civil
War, which is interesting considering how militaristic the “Battle Hymn of the
Republic” seems. If I read the
history correctly, she could not believe the carnage and destruction witnessed
in those battles was necessary and unavoidable. She had a deep belief that men were willing to sacrifice too
easily the lives of young men, and she believed that mother’s would not. Further, women could not even vote for
the men who were sending their sons to war. To her, men seemed to relish war. If war were going to stop, the mothers would stop it.
In
1870, using her bully pulpit, she put forth a Mother’s Day proclamation, which
read,
Arise, then, women of this day!
Arise, all women who have hearts, whether our baptism be of water or of tears!
Say firmly:
We will not have great questions decided by
irrelevant agencies.
Our husbands will not come to us, reeking with
carnage, for caresses and applause.
Our sons shall not be taken from us to unlearn all that we have been able to teach them of charity,
mercy and patience.
So,
Mother’s Day began as an organizing effort for civil rights, for pacifism and
political action.
Her
proclamation went on to describe the solidarity mothers in the United States
would feel with mother’s in another country, even if at war:
We, the women of one country, will be too tender of
those of another country to allow our sons to be
trained to injure theirs.
From the bosom of the devastated Earth a voice goes
up with our own. It
says: "Disarm! Disarm! The sword of murder is not the balance of
justice."
Let
them meet first, as women, to bewail and commemorate the dead.
Let them solemnly take counsel with each other as
to the means
whereby the great human family can
live in peace, each bearing after her own time the sacred impress,
not of Caesar, but of God.
I
never knew that Mother’s Day began as an effort to organize mothers to put an
end to war, a movement for mothers to not accommodate the demands of political
empires (Caesar) but to do the work that the Prince of Peace called each
follower to.
Now,
don’t get the wrong idea: I like
Mother’s Day in all of its current reality. Yes, it’s commercial and sentimental, but the fact of the
matter is, there is nothing wrong with giving Mom the attention she
deserves. Why not?
But
there is a lesson to be learned in how different Mother’s Day is than at its origin. What is now sweet was then
confrontational; what is now sentimental was then very, very political. Now, Mom is on a pedestal, then, she
was in the streets, organizing with other Mom’s against the purveyors and
planners of war.
How
did Mother’s Day change? That part
of the history has a Philadelphia angle.
Julia
Ward Howe, and the women’s suffrage movement, kept Mother’s day alive for many
years, but enthusiasm faded. In
1907, a Philadelphian, Anna Jarvis, began a campaign to revive Mother’s
Day. She worked to have a day of
fitting tribute for all mothers on the second Sunday of May that began in
church, or in a civic church-like service, in which mothers were all given
carnations.
One
of the factors that catapulted Mother’s Day onto the national stage was the
support of Philadelphia über-merchant John Wanamaker. In Mother’s Day, he saw, in the words of the Pennsylvania
Historical Society, “the opportunity to enhance his business.”
Anna
Jarvis blanketed the nation's churches, women's clubs, and people of
influence
with letters to adopt the idea of official Mother's Day Services. In
1908, a
number of cities held their first Mother's Day celebrations, including
Philadelphia,
where Wanamaker intended to host guests at his department store's huge
5,000-seat auditorium. When 15,000 wanted to attend, Wanamaker moved the
celebration across the street to the plaza in front of City Hall. The
1908
celebration indicated that Jarvis had hit upon a sentiment that had
tremendous
support across the nation.
From
that point forward, Mother’s Day was unstoppable. Wanamaker began to lobby the Congress to make Mother’s Day a
national holiday. In May 1914,
Woodrow Wilson signed the legislation.
Anna
Marie Jarvis is buried in Laurel Hill Cemetery, not far from here. She died in poverty, having spent her
family inheritance campaigning against what the Mother’s Day holiday had
become. Her obituary ran in the New
York Times, with this quote from
her: “A printed card means nothing
except that you are too lazy to write to the woman who has done more for you
than anyone in the world. And candy! You take a box to Mother—and then eat most
of it yourself. A pretty sentiment!”
What
I like about her disgust is the reminder that our observances must be authentic
and not empty. That is true of
both Mother’s Day, and the event that first animated Julia Ward Howe to pursue
her pacifist vision: the Resurrection of Christ. For as the Gospel reminds us this day, in the Resurrection,
Christ would leave the world, but would leave behind the gift of peace. “Peace I leave with you; my peace I
give to you,” he told his disciples shortly before the first Easter. “I do not give to you as the world
gives. Do not let your hearts be troubled, and do not let them be afraid.”
In
1870, Julia Ward Howe wanted to bring the peace to the world that the world
itself could not give. I mentioned
that President Wilson made Mother’s Day a holiday in May of 1914. One month later, World War I would
begin. More than 15 million of the
sons for whom Julia Ward Howe had wanted Mother’s Day to protect died in that
war. If she had succeeded in her
attempts to create a global pacifist movement of mothers who refused to welcome
home to bed their husbands “reeking of carnage,” seeking “caresses and
applause,” and who refused to have their sons “be taken from us to unlearn all that we have been able to teach them of charity, mercy and
patience,” would the war had been prevented? To even ponder this question would seem naïve and idealistic
to many. But, let us not forget
that we are to bear the stamp, not of Caesar, but of God, and let us remember
the raw political meaning of the resurrection.
Five
weeks ago, we gathered on Easter Sunday to hear the story of a small group of
women who early on the first day of the week went to a tomb where the body of
Jesus, who had been crucified, had been laid. They found the stone sealing the tomb rolled away, and the
tomb empty. These women, many
mothers not that different than Julia and Anna, were trusted to carry back to
the rather thick male disciples the truth of the resurrection: that it was true
what Jesus preached, now proven in his risen self: that love was stronger than
hate, hope more powerful than despair, and the promise of life triumphant over
the curse of death. To the
disciples, “these words seemed to them an idle tale.”
When
she issued her Mother’s Day proclamation in 1870, Julia Ward Howe, like the
women at the tomb, was preaching the resurrection, not as doctrine or dogma,
but as a call to political action—political action that refused to allow the
agents of death and war destroy the precious gift of life. But, for our culture, then and
now, the belief we could overcome war seemed to the patriarchal world and idle
tale. Within 50 years, that
radical, Christ-like movement that was Mother’s Day became a commercial
enterprise.
Friends,
let us take up the work of Mother’s Day—of proclaiming the resurrection not
only with our lips, but with our lives.
Let us walk in the footsteps of Jesus and Julia and work to bring the
peace that the world cannot give.
God our mother gave her only Son so that no mother should have to give
her child to the folly of war ever again.